What does OpenSecrets report as the total Soros-linked contributions (direct + PAC transfers) to each Senate Democrat during the 2022–2024 cycle?
Executive summary
OpenSecrets aggregates FEC filings that show large Soros-linked inflows into liberal super PACs and party-aligned committees during 2022–2024, but the material provided does not include the OpenSecrets line-by-line report that maps “total Soros‑linked contributions (direct + PAC transfers)” to each individual Senate Democrat for the 2022–2024 cycle, so a complete per‑senator numeric list cannot be produced from these sources alone [1] [2]. Available coverage documents major Soros-funded vehicles and the sums they moved to Democratic infrastructure, which is useful context but not a substitute for the per‑candidate totals the question requests [3] [4].
1. What the available OpenSecrets pages actually record — donors, PACs and organizational profiles
OpenSecrets maintains organizational profiles (for example, Soros Fund Management) and recipient pages that compile contributions reported to the FEC, and those pages state that their numbers are based on PAC and individual contributions of $200 or more filed in the FEC database for the 2024 cycle [1]; the Soros Fund Management summary page also explains what the platform does and notes which cycles it is reporting on, but that profile does not itself enumerate a per‑Senator total labeled “Soros‑linked contributions” for 2022–2024 [2].
2. Where Soros money flowed in 2022–2024 according to the cited reporting
Reporting tied to OpenSecrets and related filings shows that the Soros family and its vehicles poured very large sums into a small set of influential super PACs and nonprofit conduits — most notably Democracy PAC/Democracy PAC II (into which Soros made an initial $125 million donation in 2022), and subsequent transfers from those vehicles into other committees such as Senate Majority PAC, Future Forward PAC, Majority Forward and related efforts — with tens of millions documented going to mainstream Democratic committees across the 2022 and 2024 cycles [3] [4] [5].
3. Why those aggregates don’t answer the per‑Senator question by themselves
Money that is given to super PACs, nonprofits and party committees is typically spent on independent expenditures, transfers, or grants that benefit many candidates or races; OpenSecrets can trace the inflows to a PAC or conduit (for example, Democracy PAC’s large infusion from Soros) and can trace PAC disbursements, but establishing a clean “total Soros‑linked contribution” to an individual Senate Democrat requires a further mapping step: linking transfers and independent expenditures proportionally or specifically to one candidate, which the documents provided here do not supply [3] [5]. The OpenSecrets snippets included explain the vehicles and dollar magnitudes, but none reproduce the requested per‑Senator totals [1] [6].
4. Competing framings, reporting gaps and agendas to watch
Different outlets emphasise different narratives: some coverage frames Soros as the single dominant individual donor to Democrats in 2022 (citing OpenSecrets aggregation), while other reporting underscores organizational channels and the opacity of dark‑money transfers through 501(c) nonprofits, which complicates direct attribution to candidates [7] [8] [9]. Political opponents and some media outlets may conflate funding that flows to party infrastructure or issue groups with direct candidate support to create an impression of direct control; OpenSecrets’ methodology clarifies what is being counted (FEC reported contributions over $200) but the sources assembled here do not include the granular per‑Senator accounting needed to verify the precise “direct + PAC transfers” totals [1] [2].
5. What would be required to produce the requested per‑Senator totals
To answer the question definitively, the underlying OpenSecrets dataset or its candidate‑recipient pages for each Senate Democrat (showing sums from Soros‑funded entities plus transfers) must be queried or cited directly; absent those per‑candidate pages or a compiled OpenSecrets table in the provided materials, this analysis cannot invent the numeric totals and must refrain from asserting figures that are not explicitly present in the supplied sources [1] [2].