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Fact check: How many states had independent redistricting boards in the 2020 US Census redistricting process?
Executive Summary
The short answer is: there is no single agreed count because “independent redistricting board” is defined differently across sources and for different maps; depending on definitions, the number ranges from four states where fully independent commissions drew maps in the 2020–21 cycle to about a dozen states that used some form of commission for congressional lines and mid-teens for state legislative lines [1] [2]. The variation reflects three distinct counting problems: whether a commission is labeled “independent” or merely “commission,” whether it controls congressional versus state legislative maps, and whether commissions serve in an advisory, primary, or backup role—each yields a different headline number [3] [2] [4].
1. Why the numbers don’t agree — Definitions that change the headline
Counting how many states had “independent redistricting boards” depends on how you classify a commission. Some tallies count any commission entity that participates in redistricting; others count only commissions with final authority to draw maps without legislative approval. One source states four states had independent commissions that produced maps comprising 82 congressional seats—an approach that highlights commissions with decisive control in that cycle [1]. By contrast, Ballotpedia-style counts list 11 states using commissions for congressional lines and 16 for state legislative redistricting, which include hybrid and advisory bodies and therefore produce a larger count [2]. The Campaign Legal Center and other observers split commissions into “non-politician” commissions and hybrid or backup structures, further complicating straight comparisons [5] [2]. The takeaway: different methodologies produce different, defensible counts.
2. The smallest plausible count — Four states with fully independent maps
The narrowest, most conservative interpretation focuses on commissions that actually drew the maps without legislative override. One analysis reports four states where independent commissions drew the maps used in the 2020 Census redistricting cycle, responsible for 82 U.S. House districts—about 19 percent of seats [1]. That figure is powerful because it isolates commissions that exercised final authority in practice, not merely in statute or as advisors. This counting method tends to be favored by those emphasizing practical control over formal institutional design: it answers “how many states’ maps were actually produced by independent bodies?” rather than counting formal structures that may not have had final say [1] [6].
3. The broader view — Commissions in statute or advisory roles
A broader, statutory view counts any commission mechanism created by law, whether it is primary, advisory, or a backup if legislatures fail. Under that lens, roughly 11 states used commissions for congressional lines and about 16 for state legislative lines, with some of these being hybrid or involving politicians in the process [2]. Another breakdown finds 15 states with a commission primarily responsible for state legislative plans, plus several with advisory or backup commissions, underscoring that many states have institutionalized commission models even if the exact power varies [3]. This approach matters if your question is about institutional reform and the spread of commission models rather than who actually drew maps in one cycle.
4. Who calls them “independent,” and why labels matter politically
Advocates and critics use labels strategically. Reform advocates emphasize “independent” or “non-politician” commissions as safeguards against partisan gerrymandering and highlight states like Arizona and Michigan as success stories [5]. Critics point to hybrid models or commissions that include legislators and call them less independent, arguing these should not be counted as true independent commissions. Policy organizations and watchdogs therefore publish competing tallies depending on whether they prioritize composition, statutory independence, or functional outcome—each perspective serves different policy narratives about how widespread independent redistricting really is [6] [5].
5. What this means for interpreting the 2020 cycle and future reform
For anyone citing a single number, the essential context is the metric used: four is the correct figure if you mean commissions that actually drew maps used in the 2020–21 redistricting cycle; about 11–16 is correct if you count statutory commission mechanisms across congressional and legislative mapping with varying degrees of authority [1] [2]. The differing counts also signal where reform efforts will focus: on converting advisory or hybrid commissions into truly independent bodies or on defending commission authority where it exists. Readers should ask which definition suits their purpose—control in practice, statutory design, or aspirational independence—before taking any single number as definitive [3] [6].