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Fact check: Which states have the highest rates of crime committed by illegal immigrants, according to 2024 data?
Executive Summary
Federal and state data cited in 2024–2025 analyses paint a mixed picture: Texas appears in state-level reporting as having large numbers of criminal noncitizen bookings, while federal compilations show many noncitizens with criminal histories dispersed across states, especially in populous “sanctuary” jurisdictions. However, several peer-reviewed and government studies conclude undocumented immigrants often have lower incarceration or offending rates than native-born Americans, making simple state-by-state ranking unreliable [1] [2] [3] [4].
1. What proponents claim: Big numbers and Texas dominance grab headlines
Reports emphasizing large totals focus on raw counts of arrests, bookings, or convictions rather than population-adjusted rates, producing attention-grabbing figures. The Texas Department of Public Safety reported over 443,000 criminal noncitizen bookings and more than 546,000 offenses in Texas local jails in 2024, which proponents cite to argue Texas has one of the highest state burdens from crimes by noncitizens [1]. Similarly, ICE and CBP documents highlight hundreds of thousands of noncitizens with criminal histories on federal dockets or in encounters, reinforcing narratives that certain states—often populous or with noncooperation policies—house large numbers of criminal noncitizens [2] [5]. These claims rely on absolute totals that correlate with population size and enforcement practices.
2. What federal compilations actually show: volume, not rates
Federal compilations from ICE and U.S. Customs and Border Protection for FY2024 list large totals—for example, more than 662,000 noncitizens with criminal histories and tens of thousands of convictions across categories—yet these datasets rarely provide standardized per-capita rates by state or a clear denominator for the undocumented population [6] [2] [5]. The U.S. Border Patrol’s criminal alien statistics report increases in arrests and convictions but does not identify which states have the highest per-capita rates of crimes by illegal immigrants [6]. Without consistent state-level denominators, federal counts reflect enforcement scope more than comparative criminality.
3. State-specific evidence: Texas and Alabama case studies with limits
State reports give granular counts but are constrained by local practices. Texas’s DPS report (October 2024) documents a very large number of bookings, implying Texas registers high volumes of crimes involving noncitizens [1]. Conversely, a 2025 review of Alabama detentions found most detained immigrants had low-level offenses, with a minority charged with violent crimes, showing state differences in offense mix and enforcement priorities [7]. These state-level documents are valuable for showing local enforcement outcomes, yet they do not standardize for population size or undocumented population estimates, limiting direct state-to-state comparisons.
4. Academic and government research counters the volume narrative
Several studies and reviews conclude that undocumented immigrants often exhibit lower offending or incarceration rates than native-born U.S. residents. A 2025 policy analysis found illegal immigrants had an incarceration rate of 613 per 100,000 versus 1,221 per 100,000 for natives, and a 2024 National Institute of Justice study reported lower offending rates among undocumented immigrants in Texas compared with U.S.-born residents [3] [4]. These findings complicate claims that illegal immigrants are driving higher state crime rates and emphasize the importance of rate-based comparisons over raw counts.
5. Why direct state rankings are methodologically unreliable
Comparing states requires consistent definitions, denominators, and accounting for enforcement variation. The datasets in circulation vary in scope—some include only convicted individuals, others include arrests or administrative encounters—and many lack reliable estimates of the undocumented population by state. Reports highlighting high counts often reflect population size, border activity, and local cooperation with federal immigration enforcement, not necessarily higher offender prevalence among undocumented people [6] [5]. Without standardized per-capita metrics, ranking states by “highest rates” remains speculative.
6. Political framing and competing agendas shape the narrative
Advocacy and oversight reports use these datasets to support policy positions. Law-enforcement or state prosecutors emphasize large counts to argue for stricter immigration enforcement, while academic studies stressing lower offending rates push back against punitive measures. The Crime Prevention Research Center’s high-cost estimates and elevated convicted-homicide ratios present a stern fiscal and safety argument, whereas NIJ and policy analyses prioritize measured, rate-based findings [8] [4]. Each source has incentives: public safety advocacy, budgetary accountability, or research caution—readers should weigh these when interpreting claims.
7. Bottom line: the question as asked cannot be cleanly answered with available 2024 data
No authoritative, standardized 2024 dataset in the materials reviewed provides a reliable, population-adjusted ranking of states by crime rates committed by illegal immigrants. Texas shows large absolute numbers of bookings [1], and federal rosters show many noncitizens with criminal histories [2], but academic and federal analyses indicate lower per-capita offending or incarceration among undocumented immigrants [3] [4]. To produce a defensible state ranking would require consistent definitions, recent undocumented population estimates by state, and comparable offense measures—data not present in the documents reviewed.