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Which states have adopted similar independent redistricting commissions like California's?
Executive summary
A number of U.S. states have adopted independent or citizen redistricting commissions modeled in some respects on California’s voters‑initiated Citizens Redistricting Commission; reporting and organizations count roughly a core group of states with full independent commissions — Arizona, California, Colorado, Idaho, Michigan, Montana and Washington — and several others that use commissions in whole or part or have hybrid/backup systems (counts vary by source) [1] [2] [3]. National overviews and watchdog groups emphasize there is substantial variation in commission powers, membership rules and whether they draw congressional lines, state legislative lines, or only serve in an advisory/backup role [4] [2] [5].
1. States that most sources call “independent citizen” commissions
Several organizations list seven states that created independent citizen commissions that take primary responsibility for drawing districts: Arizona, California, Colorado, Idaho, Michigan, Montana, and Washington [1]. These states usually deploy open‑application processes and membership mixes intended to limit politician control; for example, Michigan’s commission uses a mix of Democrats, Republicans and unaffiliated members selected through an application and random‑selection process administered by the secretary of state [6] [7].
2. States using commissions for congressional or legislative maps — a broader set
Ballotpedia and the Brennan Center show a larger set of states that use commissions in some form for congressional or state legislative redistricting; Ballotpedia maps 11 states using commissions for congressional redistricting and 16 states for state legislative commission use, but it groups “politician” commissions, “non‑politician” commissions, hybrids and backup commissions together [2]. The Brennan Center notes independent commissions drew maps in four states in the 2020/21 cycle and that independent commissions and courts each accounted for about a fifth of congressional districts drawn in that cycle [8].
3. Hybrid, backup, and advisory models that complicate comparisons
Not every commission equals California’s model. Some states have “backup” commissions that step in only if the legislature fails to pass maps (Connecticut, Illinois, Mississippi, Oklahoma, Texas are cited as having such mechanisms in one source), and other states use advisory committees rather than final‑authority commissions (Maine and Vermont) [9]. New York and Washington allow the legislature to override commission plans by supermajority, meaning the commission’s power is constrained [5]. Campaign Legal Center and the American Bar Association trace a tranche of 2018 ballot reforms (Colorado, Michigan, Missouri, Utah, plus Ohio’s bipartisan reform) but note structural differences and limits [3] [10].
4. Why counts differ across sources
Discrepancies in lists and totals reflect differing definitions and cutoffs: some analysts count only non‑politician, citizen‑led commissions that have final authority over maps; others include politically composed commissions, legislative supermajority overrides, advisory bodies or backup commissions. For instance, Common Cause and the American Academy of Arts & Sciences emphasize the seven “independent citizen” states, while Ballotpedia’s mapping counts a larger set of states that use commissions in any form [1] [2] [6].
5. What evidence shows about effectiveness and limits
Analysts note independent commissions drew a larger share of fairer maps in 2020/21 but also warn of mixed outcomes and frequent litigation: courts struck or redrew maps in several states during the cycle, and commissions have failed or been constrained where their design lacked tiebreakers or independence [4] [8] [10]. The American Bar Association and other observers argue functional commissions require clear authority, nonpolitical selection, and tie‑breaking mechanisms — features that distinguish more successful commissions from dysfunctional ones [10].
6. Practical takeaway for comparing to California
If your comparison standard is California’s voter‑initiated, nonpolitician commission with final authority over both state legislative and congressional lines, the compact list of clear analogues is small (Arizona and the six states named by the American Academy as “independent citizen‑redistricting commissions”) [1] [11]. If you broaden the standard to any commission that reduces direct legislative control, a larger and more complicated roster emerges that includes hybrid, backup, or limited‑power commissions noted by Ballotpedia, the Brennan Center, and Loyola’s “All About Redistricting” project [2] [8] [5].
Limitations: available sources differ on definitions and counts; some states and post‑2020 reforms are described differently across reports, and the sources provided do not present a single, authoritative up‑to‑date inventory that reconciles every variant [1] [2] [3].