Which Texas congressional districts have the highest rates of party crossover voting?

1. What you asked for — and what the record actually contains

You asked which Texas congressional districts have the highest rates of party crossover voting; the documents provided are about redistricting, court blocks, and election results pages, but none supply measured rates of crossover voting by district (not found in current reporting). The available items include maps, legal rulings, live result platforms, and commentary about partisan aims, yet none report the specific metric you requested — e.g., the share of voters who split their ticket between presidential and House votes or who voted for a House candidate of a different party than their presidential preference ^{[1] [2] [4] [5]}.

2. Why the redistricting coverage matters to crossover dynamics

Reporting shows Texas lawmakers drew a 2025 map to create as many as five additional Republican-leaning districts, a change designed to alter which voters are grouped together — and that, in turn, affects the raw conditions under which crossover voting can occur ^{[1] [3]}. Analysts and litigants argue that when lines are redrawn to concentrate or split minority or partisan voters, the observable rates of crossover voting in a district may rise or fall simply because the electorate composition changed, not because individual behavior suddenly shifted ^{[1] [6]}.

3. The court ruling that resets the baseline for 2026 analysis

A three-judge federal panel preliminarily enjoined the 2025 map on November 18, 2025, finding substantial evidence of racial gerrymandering and ordering the 2026 election to use the prior ^[7] maps — meaning any analysis that tries to attribute crossover rates to the 2025 lines will be complicated by the map’s legal blocking ^{[2] [3] [6]}. That ruling also signals continued litigation and possible map changes, which makes it hard to pin down stable district-level crossover patterns until lines and legal status are settled ^{[2] [6]}.

4. Where you can look next (and why reporters don’t cite crossover rates in these sources)

The available live-results pages (AP, PBS, NBC) and local election guides provide vote totals and turnout but do not analyze “crossover voting” rates; journalists instead focused on winners, turnout, and the political effects of new maps ^{[4] [5] [8]}. To get district-level crossover statistics you would need precinct-level returns across multiple races (e.g., presidential vs. House or governor vs. House) and a method for matching ballots or voters — data not included in the provided results (not found in current reporting).

5. Competing perspectives in the record about why voting patterns might change

Republican state leaders defended the 2025 maps as responding to DOJ concerns and reflecting Texans’ conservative preferences; critics and a federal court countered that the maps were racially motivated partisan engineering intended to dilute minority voting power and flip seats ^{[1] [2] [9]}. The Lawyers’ Committee framed the court’s injunction as a victory for Black and Latino voters who would have been split by the map, while Texas officials — including Governor Abbott and Attorney General Paxton — argued politics, not race, drove the drawing ^{[6] [10] [9]}.

6. Practical steps to measure crossover voting if you want to pursue it

Based on gaps in the provided reporting, a reliable measure would require: ^[11] precinct-level vote returns for at least two different offices in the same election cycle, ^[12] a mapping from precincts to congressional districts under the maps you want to study (2021 vs. 2025), and ^[13] consistent methodology for attributing “crossover” (e.g., voters who voted for a presidential candidate of one party and a House candidate of the other). None of the supplied sources provide that dataset or methodology (not found in current reporting; ^[4]; p1_s5).

7. Bottom line for readers

Current coverage documents a high-stakes redistricting battle and a federal court decision that blocks Texas’s 2025 map, but it does not answer which Texas congressional districts have the highest rates of party crossover voting; to answer your original question requires precinct-level returns and a cross-race analytical method not present in the supplied sources ^{[2] [4] [5]}. If you want, I can outline a concrete data-and-method plan and list public data sources (AP, state election databases, county returns) you’d need to compute district-level crossover rates once you provide permission to use sources beyond those supplied.