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What is the racial breakdown of each Texas congressional district?
Executive Summary
The sources reviewed do not provide a complete, up-to-date racial breakdown for each of Texas’s congressional districts in a single, ready-made table; instead they offer statewide trends, historical snapshots, and pointers to district-level data collections. Key findings: Texas grew 13.7% from 2010–2020 driven overwhelmingly by nonwhite and multiracial gains with Latinos adding nearly two million people and accounting for the lion’s share of growth concentrated in metro corridors, while several older reports highlight very different district-level racial compositions in Central Texas dating from 2013 [1] [2] [3]. For a definitive per-district racial breakdown you must consult the official decennial products and Texas district profiles compiled by state agencies and legislative data services; the available analyses point to those sources rather than delivering a finished per-district roster [4] [5].
1. Why no single source gives your requested roster — and who claims what now
Multiple reviewed items explicitly acknowledge they do not list racial composition for every congressional district in Texas; instead they summarize statewide demographics, growth patterns, or provide CPVI and representative listings. The Brennan Center and several demographic overviews emphasize statewide growth patterns, such as a 13.7 percent increase and the fact that nonwhite residents and people of two or more races accounted for 95 percent of that growth between 2010 and 2020, but they stop short of a district-by-district racial table [1]. Wikipedia-style congressional delegation lists supply names, parties, and partisan indices but not racial breakdowns of each district [6]. This means the reporting corpus confirms a gap between headline demographic trends and the granular district-level racial snapshots you asked for [1] [6].
2. What the statewide numbers show and why they matter for districts
State-level census summaries cited in the analyses show Texas having become substantially more diverse by 2020: the Non-Hispanic White share is about 39.7 percent, Hispanic or Latino of any race roughly 39.3 percent, Black around 11.8 percent, and Asian about 5.4 percent, with increases driven primarily by Hispanic and multiracial counts [2]. Those statewide ratios matter because district boundaries concentrate populations—metro area gains in Dallas-Fort Worth, Houston, and Austin-San Antonio produced most of the growth, affecting the demographic makeup of multiple districts simultaneously and creating potential shifts in political and representational dynamics [1]. But statewide averages cannot substitute for district-level percentages when assessing voting-age cohorts, minority opportunity districts, or legal compliance under the Voting Rights Act.
3. Older district snapshots: Central Texas and the caution they require
A 2013 local analysis cited in the material shows Central Texas congressional districts 21, 25, and 27 had higher white percentages than the statewide average at that time, while District 35 was flagged for the highest Hispanic or Latino population among the sampled districts [3]. Those figures are useful for historical context but the analysis itself warns they are dated; demographic change between 2013 and 2020 was rapid and geographically uneven. Relying on such dated district numbers risks mischaracterizing current racial shares, especially in fast-growing suburban districts where Hispanic and multiracial populations expanded quickly between 2010 and 2020 [3] [1].
4. Where to get the definitive per-district racial breakdown now
The reviewed materials point to official census outputs and Texas legislative data products as the authoritative next stop: the 2020 Decennial Census population files and Texas Legislative Council district profiles compile race and ethnicity counts down to congressional-district geography, and the Texas Demographic Center produces statewide and substate estimates and projections [4] [5] [7]. The analyses note that the Texas Legislative Council’s district profiles integrate American Community Survey and other sources to produce demographic tables for each district, making it the most direct route to a full per-district racial breakdown [5]. The Brennan Center and local public media pieces function as interpretive summaries rather than primary-data releases [1] [3].
5. Reconciling different uses and potential agendas in the sources
The documents reviewed mix advocacy, reporting, and governmental data-collection aims. The Brennan Center frames demographic change in the context of redistricting and voting rights debates, which can highlight legal and political implications of racial shifts [1]. Local reporting often emphasizes neighborhood- or district-level changes for civic audiences, while governmental sources like the Texas Demographic Center and Texas Legislative Council are structured to supply neutral tabulations and methodology. Users seeking per-district racial breakdowns should prioritize official tabulations for raw percentages and then consult advocacy or news analyses for interpretation and implications [7] [5] [1].
If you want, I can extract or assemble a complete, up-to-date racial breakdown for all 38 Texas congressional districts by pulling the Texas Legislative Council district profiles and 2020 census tabulations referenced above and returning a concise table or downloadable CSV.