What vote share did Trump receive among low-, middle-, and high-income households in 2024?
Executive summary
Exit polls and post‑election analyses show Donald Trump improved his standing with lower‑ and middle‑income voters in 2024 while performing better with higher‑income voters than in some prior cycles; one exit‑poll slice reports 46% support among those with household income ≤$30,000 and other sources put Trump at roughly 42% among $50k–$100k earners and stronger with working‑class/non‑college voters (57%) and white working‑class (66%) in various analyses [1] [2] [3] [4]. Major survey programs (AP VoteCast, CBS/CNN exit compilations) emphasize Trump’s gains among under‑$100k households and middle‑income groups, while organizations using voter‑file analysis (Catalist, Brookings, Northeastern tools) document that the GOP’s 2024 expansion included poorer and working‑class voters and pockets of suburban gains [5] [6] [7] [8].
1. The headline numbers reporters quote
Exit‑poll snapshots circulated after Election Day are the clearest source for a direct “vote share by income” figure. Statista, summarizing exit polls in ten key states, reports Trump received 46% of the vote among voters with 2023 household income of $30,000 or less [1]. Media exit pools and AP VoteCast do not list a neat three‑tier low/middle/high table in the provided excerpts, but repeatedly state that Trump “gained slightly” among voters with household income under $100,000, while the Democrat held stronger with those making more than $100,000 [5] [6].
2. Middle income: the contested “swing” that decided the map
Several accounts single out middle‑income voters as pivotal. News outlets and analysts cite figures like roughly 42% for Trump among those earning $50,000–$100,000 in post‑election reporting, a slice often described as “middle‑class” and a swing group compared with 2020 [2]. Northeastern’s interactive tool and Catalist’s voter‑file analyses also show Trump made inroads with middle‑income and suburban groups in swing states — useful context that confirms exit‑poll signals but cautions about national aggregation [8] [7].
3. Low‑income and working‑class gains were central
Both AP VoteCast and multiple analyses report Trump made notable gains among lower‑income and working‑class voters. AP’s VoteCast (a 120,000+ respondent survey) finds Trump gained among voters with household income less than $100,000, and Brookings and other commentators report very high shares of the white working class backing Trump — Brookings cites 66% among the white working class in 2024 [5] [6] [4]. A working‑class advocacy piece cites 57% support among non‑college/working‑class voters [3]. These figures align with Financial Times and Fortune narratives that poorer and paycheck‑to‑paycheck voters shifted toward Trump [9] [10].
4. High‑income voters: more mixed but leaning away from the swing
Reporting is consistent that voters with household incomes above $100,000 stayed relatively more favorable to the Democratic nominee than lower bands; AP says Harris “held steady” with voters who make more than $100,000 [5] [6]. Some suburban, higher‑income pockets flipped (e.g., Bucks County), and analysts warn that “paycheck‑to‑paycheck” stress affected some high‑income households too, but the broad pattern in sources is: Trump improved most among low‑ and middle‑income cohorts, while the highest income bracket remained a relative Democratic stronghold [10] [5].
5. Why the numbers vary across sources
Different methodologies produce different percentages. Statista’s 46% for the lowest income band comes from exit polling in ten key states and is not necessarily a nationally weighted figure [1]. AP VoteCast uses a large blended survey (voter files + probability panels + online panels) and emphasizes gains “under $100k” without the same narrow brackets [5] [6]. Voter‑file analyses (Catalist, Northeastern tools) reconstruct turnout and vote choice from administrative records and surveys and can show differentials at state or subgroup levels [7] [8]. That methodological variety explains headline differences and why a single national three‑band table is not available in the provided reporting.
6. What the sources do not provide / limits of available reporting
Available sources do not mention a single, consistent national table that lists Trump’s exact vote share in 2024 for standardized “low,” “middle,” and “high” income bands across the entire country. The materials give banded examples (≤$30k; $50k–$100k; <$100k vs >$100k), working‑class breakdowns, and voter‑file‑based patterns, but not one definitive three‑tier national split that is uniformly calculated across all datasets [1] [5] [3] [2].
7. Bottom line for readers
Use the exit poll and survey language as directional: Trump did best with working‑class and many lower‑income voters (examples: 46% at ≤$30k, 57% non‑college/working class, 66% white working class in cited pieces) and made meaningful inroads with middle incomes (~42% in a reported $50k–$100k slice), while higher‑income voters remained comparatively less supportive [1] [3] [4] [2] [5]. The precise national three‑band percentages are not presented uniformly in the available reporting; consult full exit‑poll tables or voter‑file reports for the exact bracket definitions and weights [1] [8] [7].