Which UK political parties have received the most donations from pro-Israel groups?

Executive summary — Pro-Israel money lands heaviest with the Conservatives, but the picture is broader and money takes many forms. Independent investigations found that around 180 MPs accepted funding, hospitality or paid trips from pro-Israel groups in the last parliament — roughly 130 Conservatives, 41 Labour MPs and three Liberal Democrats; the total tracked value exceeds £1 million with substantial sums and trips concentrated among Tory MPs ^[1]. Major intermediaries named include the Conservative Friends of Israel (CFI) and Labour Friends of Israel (LFI), with CFI accounting for the largest number of paid-for visits and a sizeable share of hospitality and donations to Conservative MPs ^{[1] [2]}. These figures come from reporting between May and September 2024 and document both monetary donations and non-cash benefits such as paid trips ^{[2] [1]}.

1. Who received the most cash — Conservatives dominate the headline figures. Reporting shows that Conservative MPs form the largest cohort accepting pro-Israel funding, with multiple counts putting the number at about 126–130 Tory MPs who accepted some form of support, and tracked donations and hospitality to Conservatives amounting to hundreds of thousands of pounds in several datasets ^{[2] [1]}. One investigation quantified over £430,000 in donations and hospitality to Conservative MPs specifically, while a broader tally across parties pushes the total value of tracked giving above £1 million when gift-in-kind hospitality and trips are included ^{[2] [1]}. The emphasis on Conservative recipients is reinforced by the high number of paid-for trips run by CFI for sitting Tory MPs, which reporters flagged as a major vector of influence ^[2].

2. It’s not just cash — paid trips and hospitality form a large share of influence operations. The data show that paid-for visits to Israel and hospitality account for a sizeable portion of the recorded support: CFI reportedly took well over 100 sitting Conservative MPs on trips, while LFI paid for dozens of Labour MPs to visit. One account recorded more than 240 paid-for trips overall and said 118 Tory MPs and 32 Labour MPs had been hosted on visits, underscoring that in-kind benefits can equal or exceed direct donations in political impact ^[1]. Reporters also noted troubling timing in some cases, with a subset of trips occurring during intense conflict periods, which raised scrutiny about the optics and political consequences of accepting such hospitality ^[1].

3. Major players named — CFI and LFI dominate, with individual donors also prominent. Investigations identify Conservative Friends of Israel and Labour Friends of Israel as primary conduits, with each group organizing trips and channeling resources to MPs from their respective parties; CFI appears to have the broader reach across Conservative ranks while LFI funded dozens of Labour MPs ^[1]. Individual donors and associated organisations are also part of the picture: reporting named donors such as Trevor Chinn and Stuart Roden supporting Labour figures, and cited foreign-linked groups like the Jewish National Fund and U.S.-based actors as funding trip arrangements, widening the ecosystem of pro-Israel financial influence ^{[3] [1]}. The data show a mix of institutional and individual funding, complicating efforts to attribute influence to a single source ^[3].

4. Contrasting interpretations — what the numbers prove and what they do not. The records prove that many MPs accepted money, hospitality or trips, but they do not prove a direct quid pro quo or policy capture; accepting funding is a documented activity and a transparency issue, not in itself proof of bribery or control ^[1]. Analysts flagged that tracked sums vary by methodology: some tallies focus only on declared donations, others include hospitality and trip valuations, producing different headline totals ^{[2] [1]}. Reporting also highlights case-specific concerns — cabinet members among donors, and overlaps with ministerial responsibilities — which raise conflict-of-interest questions even where illegal conduct is not alleged ^[3]. The dataset’s limits include timeframes, valuation methods for trips, and whether all support was declared, leaving unresolved gaps for investigators and watchdogs ^[1].

5. Bottom line and what to watch — transparency, timings and policy outcomes. The consolidated evidence shows the Conservative Party received the largest share of pro-Israel-linked gifts and trips in the recorded period, with Labour also substantially engaged through LFI and individual donors, and smaller numbers among Liberal Democrats ^[1]. Crucial follow-ups are improved declaration practices, consistent valuation of in-kind benefits like trips, scrutiny of timing relative to conflicts, and examination of any policy decisions that correlate with donor activity; these are the steps that can move the debate from tallying donations to assessing democratic risk ^{[3] [1]}. For readers tracking influence, the most important near-term indicators are updated register entries, regulator inquiries, and any ministerial recusal statements tied to donor relationships ^{[2] [1]}.