Fact check: How many times has each state redistricted since 2016

1. Summary of the results

The analyses reveal that none of the sources provide specific data on how many times each state has redistricted since 2016. However, the sources do provide important context about current redistricting activities and processes:

• Texas is currently planning its second redistricting since the 2020 census, with Republicans convening for a 30-day special session to redraw congressional maps that could add 5 GOP House seats ^{[1] [2] [3]}
• Multiple states are considering redistricting moves ahead of the midterms, including California, Indiana, New York, Missouri, and Florida ^{[2] [4]}
• President Donald Trump is pushing for aggressive redistricting changes beyond Texas, with Republicans exploring ways to redraw congressional maps in their favor ^[5]
• Some states use independent commissions for redistricting while others rely on state legislatures or courts to draw maps ^{[6] [1]}

2. Missing context/alternative viewpoints

The original question assumes comprehensive data exists on state-by-state redistricting frequency since 2016, but the analyses reveal several critical gaps:

• No centralized tracking system appears to document redistricting frequency across all 50 states since 2016
• The 2019 Supreme Court ruling significantly changed redistricting power, giving states "increasingly unfettered power" by removing federal court oversight of partisan gerrymandering ^[1]
• Different redistricting triggers exist: While the decennial census typically drives redistricting, states can also redistrict due to court orders, population changes, or political motivations
• Republican and Democratic parties both benefit from strategic redistricting timing - Republicans currently benefit from controlling more state legislatures, while some Republicans worry about "Democratic retaliation in blue states" ^[5]
• The distinction between regular decennial redistricting and mid-decade redistricting is crucial but not addressed in the original question

3. Potential misinformation/bias in the original statement

The original question contains an implicit assumption that may be misleading:

• The question assumes readily available comprehensive data on redistricting frequency by state since 2016, when the analyses suggest such systematic tracking may not exist ^{[1] [7] [8] [6] [2] [4]}
• The timeframe "since 2016" may be arbitrary and doesn't align with the standard decennial redistricting cycle that typically occurs after each census
• The question doesn't distinguish between different types of redistricting (court-ordered, voluntary, or census-mandated), which could lead to confusion about what constitutes "redistricting"

The framing suggests this should be easily quantifiable information, but the reality appears more complex, with redistricting being an ongoing, politically-driven process that varies significantly by state and circumstance.