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Fact check: What are the current voter registration numbers for Democrats and Republicans in each state?

Checked on October 18, 2025

Executive Summary

The supplied materials do not contain a comprehensive, up-to-date table of Democratic and Republican voter registration numbers by state; instead they offer isolated state snapshots, national turnout summaries, and non-U.S. registration tallies. Available concrete claims in the packet include a Massachusetts party-registration breakdown (Democrats 26.31%, Republicans 8.46%, unenrolled 64.22%) and North Carolina’s registration counts and shares (Republicans >2.3 million, unaffiliated 38.5%, Democrats 30.5%, Republicans 30.3%); the rest of the documents describe turnout patterns, data-sharing moves, and Philippines registration counts rather than a full state-by-state party registry [1] [2] [3] [4] [5].

1. What the packet actually claims — compelling single-state snapshots and unrelated registries

The packet’s strongest, most specific claim about party registration comes from a Massachusetts registration table that reports Democrats at 26.31% and Republicans at 8.46% with 64.22% unenrolled, a breakdown that implies Massachusetts uses a large unenrolled/independent category [1]. Another concrete claim reports North Carolina Republican registrations exceeding 2.3 million, with unaffiliated voters at 38.5%, Democrats 30.5%, and Republicans 30.3%, indicating near parity between party-identified voters and a large unaffiliated bloc [2]. These are isolated data points and cannot be extrapolated to other states without additional sources [1] [2].

2. What’s missing — no full state-by-state party registration dataset in the packet

Multiple items in the materials explicitly do not provide the requested nationwide party registration breakdown. Commission reports and census outputs included discuss total registrants, turnout, and demographic registration rates, but they do not present current Democratic vs. Republican registration numbers for each U.S. state, leaving a clear data gap for the user’s original request [5] [6]. The Philippines Comelec numbers and regional breakdowns are unrelated to U.S. party registration, so they cannot fill this gap [7].

3. Context from turnout and administrative moves that affect interpretation

The packet contains contextually relevant but indirect information: a summary noting high 2024 turnout in Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin and declines in Arizona and North Carolina, which helps interpret why party registration totals might not map directly to electoral outcomes [3]. Another piece reports Texas arranging to share voter registration data with GOP-led states after leaving ERIC, an administrative change that could affect how up-to-date cross-state lists are compiled and how parties interpret registration numbers [4]. These items imply registration totals are dynamic and affected by policy choices [3] [4].

4. Reliability and recency — mixed dates and limited geographic scope

The most recent specific figures in the packet are the Massachusetts breakdown dated January 1, 2026 [1] and the North Carolina report from September 22, 2025 [2]. Other materials with useful context were published between April and October 2025 [6] [3] [4]. Because these entries are scattered in date and coverage, they cannot substitute for a single authoritative, current dataset covering all states, and cross-comparison risks mismatching reporting dates and definitions of party affiliation [1] [2] [6].

5. How to interpret party labels and unaffiliated voters when comparing states

The Massachusetts example highlights a state where a large unenrolled category dominates registration statistics [1], whereas the North Carolina snapshot emphasizes nearly equal shares between party-identified voters and a large unaffiliated segment [2]. These differences show that raw party registration counts mean different things across states: some states use active unenrolled designations, others purge or classify inactive voters differently. Comparing states without harmonizing definitions and dates will produce misleading conclusions [1] [2].

6. Practical next steps to obtain the requested state-by-state breakdown

To compile a trustworthy table of Democratic and Republican registration numbers by state one must consult official, state-level election authorities or national aggregators that publish harmonized state summaries. The packet lacks that comprehensive source; therefore, the correct next step is to obtain each state’s most recent secretary-of-state or equivalent registration report and note publication dates and party-definition methods, then reconcile differences caused by inactive-voter processes and independent/unenrolled categories [1] [4].

7. Bottom line — what the user can take away right now

From the provided materials, the only definitive, directly relevant figures are Massachusetts’s party-percentage breakdown and North Carolina’s registration totals and shares, while other documents provide turnout context, administrative changes, or non-U.S. registrant counts that don’t answer the user’s original request. A complete, current state-by-state Democratic vs. Republican registration dataset is not present in the packet and cannot be reconstructed from these partial sources alone [1] [2] [5] [6] [3] [4].

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