What exactly did the April supplemental bills Crockett voted for include and how were funds allocated?

Checked on January 27, 2026
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Executive summary

Representative Jasmine Crockett voted in April 2024 for a set of emergency supplemental appropriations that were packaged by the House and enacted into law on April 24, 2024, which provided lump‑sum national security funding targeted principally to Israel, Ukraine and Indo‑Pacific partners and included a separate “sidecar” bill addressing sanctions and related economic measures [1] [2]. The four‑bill House package — often referenced as H.R. 8034–8036 and a companion vehicle incorporated into the enacted H.R. 815 — allocated tens of billions for weapons, replenishment of U.S. stocks, missile defense and partner assistance, while local community project funding Crockett touted came from separate FY2024 appropriations earlier in the spring [3] [1] [4].

1. What the April supplemental bills were and how they were packaged

In mid‑April the House passed several separate emergency supplemental bills that the Senate received as amendments to an already pending vehicle and which the President signed into law on April 24, 2024; fiscal‑watch reporting framed these as a national‑security oriented package covering Israel, Ukraine and the Indo‑Pacific, plus a fourth measure addressing sanctions and economic issues [1]. GovTrack identifies the Israel bill as H.R. 8034 (the Israel Security Supplemental Appropriations Act, 2024) and notes that provisions of these House bills were incorporated into H.R. 815, the measure enacted by the Senate and signed by the President [2] [1].

2. Israel supplemental — headline dollar amounts and uses

The Israel supplemental (H.R. 8034 in House form) contained roughly $26.38 billion in security assistance that Congress allocated for a mix of missile‑defense procurement and partner support, explicitly funding programs such as Iron Dome and David’s Sling ($4 billion), procurement of the Iron Beam system ($1.2 billion), foreign military financing ($3.5 billion), and ammunition plant improvements and production ($1 billion) among other line items listed in legislative summaries [3] [2]. Those figures are drawn from bill text summaries and legal trackers that itemize program‑level amounts within the Israel emergency package [3] [2].

3. Ukraine supplemental — main buckets of spending

The Ukraine supplemental bill approved in the same April package totaled roughly $60.84 billion and focused on replenishing Department of Defense stocks and supporting regional operations and partner procurement: summaries cite about $23.2 billion to replenish DOD stocks, $11.3 billion for regional U.S. military operations, and roughly $13.8 billion for the Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative to enable Ukraine to purchase U.S. equipment [3]. The package was presented as emergency defense support to sustain U.S. and allied operational capacity while enabling continued assistance to Ukraine [3].

4. Indo‑Pacific supplemental and the “sidecar” bill

Lawmakers also advanced an Indo‑Pacific supplemental allocated at roughly $8.12 billion, with notable sub‑items including about $2 billion for Taiwan and nearby partners via Foreign Military Financing, $1.9 billion to replenish DOD stocks supplied to Taiwan and others, and smaller amounts for regional security enhancements [3]. The fourth “sidecar” measure that accompanied the three security bills addressed sanctions authorities and other economic tools related to these geopolitical priorities; public reporting treats that fourth bill as complementary to the security supplements rather than a major new cash transfer [1].

5. How this connects to Crockett’s other FY2024 funding work

Separately, Crockett’s congressional office publicized that she secured roughly $10.48 million in community project funding for projects in Texas’s 30th District as part of the first FY2024 appropriations package earlier in March; that local investment is distinct from the April emergency national‑security supplement and came through the regular appropriations process that funded several subcommittees’ bills [4]. GovTrack’s voting log shows votes on the April consideration and passage of supplemental measures in mid‑April, indicating Crockett participated in the floor actions that led to the package moving to the Senate [5].

6. Limitations, dissenting views and political framing

Public reporting and legislative trackers present the April measures largely as emergency national‑security spending; critics on both sides noted tradeoffs — some Democrats argued the package lacked sufficient humanitarian or oversight provisions, while some Republicans sought larger or differently structured support or tied funding to other priorities — but the available sources focus on the allocation totals and program line items rather than detailed roll‑call rationales [1] [3]. The sources used here (GovTrack, Congressional summaries, appropriations trackers and Crockett’s office releases) document the amounts and program destinations but do not provide a granular constituency‑by‑constituency breakout of every penny and do not include transcripts of Crockett’s floor remarks explaining each vote, which limits capacity to assess her vote motive beyond the public statements and the vote record itself [5] [4].

Want to dive deeper?
How did House Democrats and Republicans differ in their floor amendments or votes on the April 2024 supplemental package?
What specific oversight or reporting requirements were included in H.R. 815 for the use of supplemental security funds?
How have the Israel, Ukraine, and Indo‑Pacific supplemental funds been obligated and spent since enactment in April 2024?