How does the New Apostolic Reformation define prophets, and is Julie Green formally connected to NAR networks?

Checked on January 30, 2026
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Executive summary

The New Apostolic Reformation (NAR) treats contemporary prophets as restored, authoritative conduits of “new revelation” who, alongside apostles, help govern the church and guide a dominionist agenda to reshape society, a description scholars and critics attribute to the loose NAR constellation [1] [2] [3]. Julie Green is widely described in media and watchdog reporting as a self‑declared or “self‑appointed” prophet associated in practice with NAR‑style networks and events, but the NAR itself has no formal membership rolls or centralized registry that would document a formal, institutional tie [4] [5] [6] [3] [7].

1. How the NAR defines prophets: restoration, new revelation, and governance

Advocates and observers describe the NAR as restoring first‑century offices—especially apostles and prophets—so that prophets today receive “new” revelations meant to direct church strategy and societal transformation, a theological claim laid out in popular NAR materials and summarized by critics and apologetics resources [7] [8] [1]. Those prophetic roles are portrayed as part of a five‑fold ministry model in which prophets carry privileged access to divine insight that can shape apostolic governance, strategic spiritual warfare, and efforts to influence culture—what some critics label dominionism or Christian nationalist goals [2] [9] [3]. Academic and journalistic accounts emphasize that the movement’s emphasis on prophetic authority is a defining characteristic: prophets are not merely preachers or counselors but decision‑shaping actors whose pronouncements are treated as actionable guidance by followers [2] [9].

2. What scholars and critics say about prophetic practice and accountability

Researchers note the NAR is not a formal denomination with uniform doctrine or membership lists, which means prophetic claims circulate as “prophetic memes” through informal networks rather than through centralized credentialing; this structural looseness allows a wide range of prophetic practice and makes accountability inconsistent [3] [10]. Critics argue NAR prophets often issue vague, reinterpret‑friendly predictions and that the movement sets no standard of infallibility while elevating personal prophetic authority above traditional checks such as denominational oversight or sola scriptura norms [1] [9]. Some sympathetic or conservative commentators within charismatic circles dispute pejorative labels and stress signs-and-wonders, restorationist theology, and revival as their priorities rather than explicit political domination, illustrating that interpretations of prophetic function vary across sources [8] [10].

3. Julie Green’s public profile: self‑designation, events, and partisan connections

Multiple news outlets and advocacy groups identify Julie Green as a self‑declared prophet who has operated in circles associated with NAR themes—speaking on high‑profile conservative tours and appearing at political events, including those connected to Doug Mastriano’s campaign, which has drawn attention to the crossover of prophetic figures and partisan politics [5] [11] [4]. Faithful America and Baptist News Global explicitly label Green a “self‑appointed New Apostolic Reformation prophet” and cite her participation in the ReAwaken America Tour among evidence of her role in those environments [4]. Rolling Stone and other outlets recount her public prophetic pronouncements—some sensational and later debunked—that have fueled media scrutiny of her influence and the networks that platform her [5].

4. Is she formally connected to NAR networks? The evidence and its limits

Reporting consistently describes Green as aligned with or operating within NAR‑adjacent networks, but the NAR’s decentralized nature complicates any claim of a single formal membership that could confirm an institutional tie [3] [7] [2]. In short, sources document practical affiliation—shared theology, event platforms, and activist milieus consistent with NAR activity—but there is no public registry or formal organizational paperwork cited in the available reporting that proves a formal institutional membership tying Green to a named NAR entity [3] [7] [5] [4]. Some local commentators label her an “associate pastor” of a named church, illustrating that her roles are mixed between congregational ministry and broader prophetic activism [12], but that does not equate to documented formal membership in a centralized NAR body because NAR lacks such structures [3] [2].

5. Bottom line and caveats

The NAR defines prophets as restored, authoritative agents of new revelation who help direct church and cultural strategy, a definition reflected across NAR‑adjacent materials and critical accounts [1] [2] [8]. Julie Green is credibly described in multiple contemporary reports as a self‑declared prophet active in NAR‑style networks and events, yet because the NAR is a decentralized movement without formal membership lists, reporting can demonstrate practical affiliation and platform overlap but cannot produce a formal membership document tying her to an institutional NAR body [5] [4] [3]. Where sources disagree—some insiders reject the NAR label for their ministries—readers should note both the theological common ground and the political context that fuels divergent portrayals [13] [10].

Want to dive deeper?
How do scholars define and measure influence within the New Apostolic Reformation?
What events and networks have historically connected NAR prophets to political campaigns?
Which critics and defenders have written the most about Julie Green and what are their main evidentiary claims?