How have contemporary Muslim-majority countries applied or rejected Quranic fighting verses in law and policy?

Checked on January 24, 2026
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Executive summary

Contemporary Muslim-majority countries reflect a spectrum of approaches to the Quran’s fighting verses: many state and scholarly traditions emphasize self-defence, legal limits, and non‑aggression, while others — driven by jurisprudential choices or political agendas — have at times translated fighting verses into state policy or intra‑communal coercion [1] [2] [3]. Secularizing states and modernist scholars often reject literal abrogation claims about the “sword verses,” whereas some jurists and political actors have used selective readings to justify coercion or violence [4] [3] [5].

1. Legal frames: self-defence and limits enshrined in jurisprudence

Mainstream Islamic jurisprudence, echoed in contemporary legal reasoning, grounds permission to use force in self‑defence and repeatedly cautions against transgression; key Quranic formulas such as “fight those who fight you, but do not transgress” (2:190) and the permission in 22:39 have been read as authorizing responsive, bounded violence rather than unbridled aggression [1] [6]. Modern legal analyses highlight these restraints — combatants only, protection of non‑combatants, cessation when peace is offered — and contemporary scholars and institutes stress a non‑aggression ethic consistent with those verses [1] [7] [2].

2. State practice: secularization, separation, and selective incorporation

Some majority Muslim governments have attempted to institutionalize separation between religious juristic authority and state policy — Turkey and many former Soviet Muslim republics are explicit examples of states that pursued official secularization or a reduced role for traditional jurists in policy‑making [5]. Those reforms tend to limit direct legal implementation of fighting verses in state law, substituting civil and international legal norms for Quranic combat rules, though the degree of implementation varies and is shaped by domestic politics [5].

3. Jurisprudential choices turned policy: when fighting verses are mobilized

Across the Islamic legal tradition, certain jurists have read specific verses (notably Qur’an 9:5 and 9:29) as grounds for offensive or expansionary policies in specific historic contexts, and in contemporary times some political actors have reworked these jurisprudential positions into legal justifications for violence or coercive intra‑Muslim campaigns [4] [3]. Scholarship warns that the conversion of “fighting verses” into state policy is often less a textual inevitability than a jurisprudential and political choice, with consequences for minority rights and intra‑communal conflict [3].

4. Counter‑readings: modernists, reformers, and non‑aggression emphases

Modernist and reform-minded Muslim scholars reject doctrines of abrogation that would let the so‑called “verse of the sword” nullify Quranic peace injunctions, arguing that when read contextually the Quran consistently counsels restraint, peace when sought by opponents, and no compulsion in religion (Q2:256) [4] [1]. Contemporary research and religious NGOs often foreground these readings to push state policy away from religiously framed aggression and toward humanitarian and international legal norms [4] [7].

5. Misuse and the politics of interpretation

Academic reviews and critical studies document how jurisprudential interpretations of fighting verses can be repurposed by political elites or violent movements: selective readings serve as legitimizing narratives for both interstate wars and intra‑Muslim purges, and scholars caution that political support — not textual determinism — often transforms legal opinions into sanctioned violence [3] [8]. At the same time, mainstream exegesis and many Muslim institutions continue to condemn attacks on civilians and emphasize preservation of life and limits in combat [9] [2].

6. Limits of available reporting and the sober verdict

Sources surveyed illuminate interpretive trends and legal arguments that shape contemporary policy — the predominance of self‑defence readings, secularist state choices, juristic pathways to politicized violence, and modernist rebuttals [1] [5] [3] [4] — but do not provide a comprehensive, country‑by‑country catalog of law and policy across the Muslim world; therefore precise mapping of national statutes or case law on fighting verses would require targeted legal surveys beyond these sources [5] [3].

Want to dive deeper?
How have specific Muslim-majority states (e.g., Saudi Arabia, Iran, Indonesia) legally defined jihad and the use of force since 1950?
Which contemporary Muslim scholars and institutions have formally repudiated abrogation (naskh) theories about the Quran’s fighting verses, and what are their main arguments?
How have extremist groups selectively cited Quranic verses to justify violence, and how have mainstream Muslim authorities legally and theologically countered those claims?