Do illegal immigrants commit more crime than native US citizens?

Checked on February 1, 2026
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Executive summary

The best available empirical evidence shows that undocumented (illegal) immigrants do not commit more crime than native-born U.S. citizens and, in many high-quality studies, commit substantially less: Texas arrest data and multiple national studies find lower felony, violent, property and drug offending rates among undocumented immigrants versus the U.S.-born [1] [2] [3]. Important caveats about data limits, measurement choices and political framing remain and should temper absolutist claims.

1. What the data actually say: large, rigorous studies find lower offending rates

A landmark study using Texas Department of Public Safety records — uniquely able to record immigration status on arrestees — finds undocumented immigrants had substantially lower felony arrest rates than legal immigrants and native-born citizens between 2012–2018, with undocumented persons arrested at less than half the rate for violent and drug crimes and about a quarter the rate for property crimes [1] [2] [3]. National syntheses and long-run analyses back this pattern: immigrants overall have been incarcerated at lower rates than the U.S.-born for decades and recent work finds immigrants were about 60% less likely to be incarcerated in 2020 [4] [5] [6].

2. Why researchers consider these findings robust — and where limits remain

Researchers emphasize that Texas is unusual because it records immigration status at arrest, enabling direct comparison; the results are robust across alternative population estimates, offense classifications and time windows [3] [7]. Still, scholars warn about generalizing from one state, undercounting of offenses and different law‑enforcement practices that could affect measured arrest rates, and they call for more national-level, status-disaggregated data [8] [9]. The studies report patterns, not moral judgments, and they acknowledge statistical uncertainty around rare events like homicide [2].

3. Contradictory claims, partisan uses and methodological disputes

Some analyses and commentators have reached opposing conclusions — for example, organizations like the Crime Prevention Research Center have interpreted available data differently — and think tanks on both sides of the political spectrum have used selective findings to support policy prescriptions [1]. Public discussion is often shaped by high-profile incidents and political messaging that amplify fear; policy actors sometimes conflate border apprehensions or smuggling networks with the aggregate criminality of undocumented people [6] [10]. These partisan frames represent implicit agendas: advocacies pushing for stricter enforcement highlight isolated crimes, while proponents of immigration reform emphasize population-level safety benefits.

4. Mechanisms and context: why immigrants often show lower measured crime rates

Scholars point to selection effects (those who migrate tend to be younger, motivated and risk-averse in certain ways), immigrant community structures, and deterrence from reporting or engaging in visible criminal activity as possible explanations for lower measured offending; some work also finds rising immigrant concentrations correlate with declining local crime in many cities [4] [6] [8]. Researchers also note that noncitizens can face different prosecutorial and sentencing patterns, which complicates comparisons of conviction and incarceration outcomes [8].

5. Bottom line for policymakers and the public

Empirical evidence across multiple reputable sources leads to a clear, qualified conclusion: undocumented immigrants, on average, are not more criminal than native-born Americans and are often substantially less so according to the best available arrest and incarceration data [1] [2] [4]. That conclusion does not negate the seriousness of individual crimes, nor does it erase legitimate border security concerns or the need to target organized criminal networks; it does, however, challenge policy claims that mass deportation or blunt enforcement of migration would yield large public‑safety gains [7] [10].

Want to dive deeper?
How do arrest and incarceration rates compare for legal immigrants versus undocumented immigrants in national datasets?
What methodological problems arise when using arrest data to estimate true crime rates among undocumented populations?
Which studies find higher immigrant-associated crime and what specific methods or datasets produce those results?