Do illegal immigrants commit more crime than native US citizens?
Executive summary
The best available empirical evidence shows that undocumented (illegal) immigrants do not commit more crime than native-born U.S. citizens and, in many high-quality studies, commit substantially less: Texas arrest data and multiple national studies find lower felony, violent, property and drug offending rates among undocumented immigrants versus the U.S.-born [1] [2] [3]. Important caveats about data limits, measurement choices and political framing remain and should temper absolutist claims.
1. What the data actually say: large, rigorous studies find lower offending rates
A landmark study using Texas Department of Public Safety records — uniquely able to record immigration status on arrestees — finds undocumented immigrants had substantially lower felony arrest rates than legal immigrants and native-born citizens between 2012–2018, with undocumented persons arrested at less than half the rate for violent and drug crimes and about a quarter the rate for property crimes [1] [2] [3]. National syntheses and long-run analyses back this pattern: immigrants overall have been incarcerated at lower rates than the U.S.-born for decades and recent work finds immigrants were about 60% less likely to be incarcerated in 2020 [4] [5] [6].
2. Why researchers consider these findings robust — and where limits remain
Researchers emphasize that Texas is unusual because it records immigration status at arrest, enabling direct comparison; the results are robust across alternative population estimates, offense classifications and time windows [3] [7]. Still, scholars warn about generalizing from one state, undercounting of offenses and different law‑enforcement practices that could affect measured arrest rates, and they call for more national-level, status-disaggregated data [8] [9]. The studies report patterns, not moral judgments, and they acknowledge statistical uncertainty around rare events like homicide [2].
3. Contradictory claims, partisan uses and methodological disputes
Some analyses and commentators have reached opposing conclusions — for example, organizations like the Crime Prevention Research Center have interpreted available data differently — and think tanks on both sides of the political spectrum have used selective findings to support policy prescriptions [1]. Public discussion is often shaped by high-profile incidents and political messaging that amplify fear; policy actors sometimes conflate border apprehensions or smuggling networks with the aggregate criminality of undocumented people [6] [10]. These partisan frames represent implicit agendas: advocacies pushing for stricter enforcement highlight isolated crimes, while proponents of immigration reform emphasize population-level safety benefits.
4. Mechanisms and context: why immigrants often show lower measured crime rates
Scholars point to selection effects (those who migrate tend to be younger, motivated and risk-averse in certain ways), immigrant community structures, and deterrence from reporting or engaging in visible criminal activity as possible explanations for lower measured offending; some work also finds rising immigrant concentrations correlate with declining local crime in many cities [4] [6] [8]. Researchers also note that noncitizens can face different prosecutorial and sentencing patterns, which complicates comparisons of conviction and incarceration outcomes [8].
5. Bottom line for policymakers and the public
Empirical evidence across multiple reputable sources leads to a clear, qualified conclusion: undocumented immigrants, on average, are not more criminal than native-born Americans and are often substantially less so according to the best available arrest and incarceration data [1] [2] [4]. That conclusion does not negate the seriousness of individual crimes, nor does it erase legitimate border security concerns or the need to target organized criminal networks; it does, however, challenge policy claims that mass deportation or blunt enforcement of migration would yield large public‑safety gains [7] [10].