Do illegal do more harm than US citizens
Executive summary
A substantial body of empirical research finds that undocumented immigrants are arrested and incarcerated at lower rates than U.S.-born citizens across violent, drug, and property offenses, and that immigrant presence is not associated with higher local crime rates [1][2][3]. This evidence undercuts the claim that “illegals” cause more harm through criminality than native-born Americans, though caveats about data, geographic scope, and the difference between arrest and offending warrant careful qualification [1][2][1].
1. What the numbers show: lower arrest and incarceration rates for undocumented immigrants
Multiple large-scale studies using Texas arrest records and national analyses conclude undocumented immigrants have substantially lower felony arrest rates than U.S.-born citizens—less than half the rate for violent and drug crimes and about a quarter for property crimes in one NIJ-cited Texas analysis [1][2]. A PNAS paper using 2012–2018 Texas Department of Public Safety data found U.S.-born citizens were over two times more likely to be arrested for violent crimes, 2.5 times more likely for drug crimes, and over four times more likely for property crimes than undocumented immigrants [2][4]. Broader syntheses and explainer pieces echo that immigrants overall commit crimes at lower rates than the U.S.-born [5][3].
2. How experts interpret the gap and what it does—and does not—prove
Scholars and policy analysts emphasize that lower arrest and incarceration rates indicate immigrants are not driving crime increases and may even be associated with safer communities, with research finding immigration concentration often coincides with lower crime and stronger social structures [6][3]. Multiple organizations—from academia to think tanks to nonprofits—have reached similar conclusions across different methods and timeframes, including long-term historical analyses showing immigrants are less likely to be incarcerated than native-born Americans in recent decades [7][6].
3. Limitations in the record: arrest data, geography, and measurement challenges
Key methodological caveats matter: arrest data reflect law enforcement activity as much as underlying offending, and Texas is unusually well-positioned to tag immigration status in bookings—other states lack comparable data—so extrapolating nationally requires caution [1][2]. Studies note homicide and rare offenses fluctuate more and that convictions and arrests are related but not identical measures; researchers therefore caution against overinterpreting single high-profile cases or short-term spikes [1][2].
4. The political context: why perception diverges from evidence
High-profile incidents, partisan messaging, and selective media coverage amplify fears and create a narrative of a “migrant crime wave” despite aggregate evidence to the contrary; analysts warn that political actors and outlets may exploit rare violent crimes by noncitizens to advance enforcement agendas such as mass deportation or border restriction policies [6][8]. Conversely, organizations like the American Immigration Council and Migration Policy Institute intentionally emphasize research showing lower immigrant criminality to counter fearmongering and inform policy debates about public safety and screening [5][3].
5. The balanced conclusion: do undocumented immigrants do more harm than U.S. citizens?
On the narrow and empirically measurable question of crime and arrests, the balance of peer-reviewed and government-cited research indicates undocumented immigrants do not do more harm than U.S.-born citizens; in aggregate they are arrested and incarcerated at substantially lower rates for many felony categories [2][1]. That verdict addresses criminality but does not speak to every dimension of “harm” (such as economic, public-health, or social effects) where the cited sources do not provide comprehensive evidence; therefore conclusions beyond crime must be treated as outside the scope of the available reporting [3][1].