How do measures of employment quality (wages, job stability) for Somali immigrants compare to native‑born and other immigrant groups in the U.S. labor market?
Executive summary
Somali immigrants show relatively high labor force participation in recent data—often around 69–70 percent—yet they frequently register higher unemployment and lower earnings than U.S.‑born workers and many other immigrant groups, with outcomes concentrated in lower‑paying, less stable occupations such as production, transportation, and care work [1] [2] [3]. Regional studies—especially from Minnesota—document both improving employment shares over time and persistent high use of means‑tested programs, but the picture varies by gender, age, time since arrival, and the source’s political slant [4] [5] [1].
1. What “employment quality” means for Somalis: participation versus outcomes
The Somali community often posts labor force participation rates that compare favorably to many groups—reports cite roughly 69–70 percent participation among Somalis versus about 63 percent for U.S.‑born adults and 68 percent for all foreign‑born nationally in recent summaries—yet participation does not translate uniformly into secure, well‑paid employment [1] [2]. National and state snapshots therefore show a bifurcated reality: active engagement in the labor market coupled with elevated pockets of unemployment, especially among recent arrivals and women, which depress overall measures of employment quality [4] [1].
2. Unemployment and employment rates: better than stereotypes, worse than many peers
Longitudinal and regional data indicate Somalis have seen rising employment since the 2000s—Minnesota data show marked improvement since earlier decades—but historical and academic analyses still place Somali refugees among groups with higher unemployment rates and economic inactivity compared with many immigrant cohorts and the native born [4] [6]. Broad labor statistics for the foreign born mask subgroup variation (the BLS reports a 4.2 percent foreign‑born unemployment in 2024 but does not disaggregate by origin), leaving Somali‑specific unemployment to depend on ACS and state studies with varying estimates [7] [4].
3. Wages and occupational sorting: concentration in lower‑paid sectors
Multiple sources find Somali workers concentrated in production, transportation, material moving, healthcare support, and food manufacturing—sectors that supply steady hours but typically offer lower wages and fewer advancement ladders than professional occupations—Migration Policy reports 38 percent in production/transport for Somalis, and Minnesota data emphasize home health and care work as major employers [3] [1]. Analyses comparing refugee groups also show Somali refugees among those with lower labor earnings relative to other refugee origins, signaling wage gaps even when employment exists [6].
4. Job stability and reliance on public supports
Research and advocacy reports note that many Somali households—especially in Minnesota—have high rates of participation in safety‑net programs: CIS and reporting outlets cite very high food stamp and Medicaid usage rates among Somali‑headed households in some datasets, and other outlets report large proportions of households receiving welfare at some point, which reflects both poverty and the low‑wage, unstable jobs that many Somalis occupy [5] [8]. Those numbers vary by data source and methodology; some local community analyses counter that Somali workers contribute substantial tax revenue and entrepreneurial activity even while incomes remain modest [9].
5. Barriers that shape wages and stability: credentials, language, and bias
Several studies point to structural barriers—limited credential transferability, lower formal education for some cohorts, English proficiency gaps, and employer discrimination—that push Somalis into sectors with weaker pay and stability, and audit experiments in Minneapolis–St. Paul find differential employer responses to Somali‑identified applicants consistent with those barriers [10] [3] [6]. Alternative explanations emphasize that many Somalis arrived as refugees and younger cohorts are increasingly second‑generation and closing gaps, so trends can improve with time and policy interventions [4] [1].
6. Bottom line and limits of existing evidence
Taken together, available reporting shows Somali immigrants participate robustly in the U.S. labor force but disproportionately occupy lower‑paid and less secure jobs compared with many other immigrant groups and the native born, leading to higher measured unemployment and greater reliance on means‑tested programs in several datasets; however, estimates vary across sources, are often regionally concentrated (notably Minnesota), and national labor statistics do not consistently break out Somali‑specific figures, so conclusions must be read alongside each source’s methodology and potential agenda [1] [5] [7].