Since 2021 has blm movement been violent

1. What the data shows: mass, mostly peaceful, but not uniformly so

Large, multi‑city datasets compiled through 2021 report that the vast majority of BLM‑linked demonstrations were peaceful—ACLED documented more than 11,000 demonstrations in nearly 3,000 locations and analysts found over 93% to be peaceful in earlier counts, while the Crowd Control Consortium reported 94% of events had no participant arrests and 96.7% had no property damage for May 2020–June 2021—establishing that peaceability was the modal outcome even as protests were massive in scale ^{[3] [1] [2]}.

2. Where violence did occur: small numbers, mixed actors, and local variation

Scholars and event‑data projects identify a minority of protests that featured violence or property destruction, and those incidents were geographically concentrated; some empirical work treats “violent” protests as distinct events in counties or cities and finds both nonviolent and violent protests coexisted during the 2020–2021 waves ^{[5] [3]}. Reviews and medical reporting emphasize that when force occurred it often produced serious injuries, and that violence was not only a function of protesters’ actions but also of state repression and interventions that sometimes escalated confrontations ^{[4] [2]}.

3. Violence against BLM protesters and the role of counter‑mobilization

A substantial strand of the literature and monitoring data highlights that much of the physical harm associated with BLM demonstrations came from police tactics and organized counter‑demonstrations—ACLED and other analysts documented hundreds of counter‑demonstrations and recorded a pattern of aggressive state responses that disproportionately targeted BLM events, while academic reviews catalogue right‑wing and militia actors who confronted protesters and, in some cases, inflicted injury ^{[4] [3] [1]}.

4. Competing narratives: critics, researchers, and political claims

Political critics argue BLM caused public disorder and contributed to policing crises—Senator statements and partisan commentary frame a “BLM effect” that links the movement to rising crime and policing attrition—while peer‑reviewed work counters that protests have sometimes reduced police lethal force in proximate areas and that political violence in the U.S. is more often driven by right‑wing extremists, complicating one‑sided causal claims about the movement as a primary source of national violence ^{[6] [7] [8]}. Both positions draw on selective evidence: critics emphasize isolated violent incidents and downstream effects, researchers highlight aggregate peacefulness and measurable policy or behavioral impacts on policing.

5. What the evidence cannot resolve from the supplied reporting

The assembled sources give strong visibility into 2020–2021 protest waves and academic follow‑ups through 2021–2023, but they do not provide a definitive national tally of every violent incident since 2021 nor settle debates about causation for later crime trends; there is no single national database that counts all uses of lethal force or attributes every episode of disorder to particular actors, and future or more recent developments after the cited reports are outside the scope of these sources ^{[9] [7]}.

6. Bottom line: context matters — peaceful majority, violence concentrated and contested

Judged on the best available data through the cited reporting, the Black Lives Matter movement after 2021 cannot be characterized as broadly violent: most demonstrations were peaceful, but some episodes of violence occurred, frequently involving a mix of protester tactics, aggressive policing, and armed or organized counter‑protesters; rigorous interpretation therefore requires distinguishing between the movement’s dominant nonviolent mass protests and the smaller, but consequential, violent episodes and state responses that accompanied them ^{[1] [2] [4] [3]}.