There is no correlation between Arab immigrants and sexual assaults in the europe. Am I correct?

1. What the peer‑reviewed studies actually say: victims among migrants

Multiple academic studies and systematic reviews document that refugees, asylum seekers and other migrants are frequently victims of sexual violence — both before and after arrival in Europe — and in some samples a substantial share of incidents reported by migrants occurred post‑arrival (for example, a French cohort found 26% incidence among recently arrived asylum‑seeking women and another study reported 21.1% of rapes in a Médecins du Monde sample took place after arrival) ^{[1] [2] [5]}. These studies focus on victimisation, not on whether migrants are over‑represented among perpetrators at the population level ^{[6] [7]}.

2. Evidence on perpetrators and population‑level correlation is mixed and context‑dependent

Some reporting and analyses suggest higher proportions of convicted sexual‑offence perpetrators in particular countries are foreign‑born (for instance a 2018 Swedish TV analysis cited 58% of men convicted of rape were born abroad), but authors and officials cautioned that reported‑crime totals, reporting practices and legal definitions vary and that raw percentages do not prove causal links between immigration and rising sexual‑violence rates ^[8]. Independent fact‑checking and statistical commentaries emphasise that comparing national rape statistics across countries is fraught with problems and can be misleading ^[3].

3. Important confounders flagged by researchers and commentators

Scholars and journalists point out that demographic and socioeconomic factors — being young, male, socially and economically marginalised, or living in precarious accommodation — are associated with higher risks of both victimisation and offending; such characteristics are often over‑represented in migrant cohorts, which can create an apparent correlation without proving a causal link to migration per se ^{[4] [1]}. The Lancet study on asylum‑seeking women in France, for example, found lack of stable accommodation was associated with higher odds of sexual assault after arrival ^[1].

4. High‑profile incidents and political narratives do not settle the question

High‑visibility events (for example the 2015 Cologne New Year’s Eve attacks) have shaped public debate and fuelled claims that “Arab” or recently arrived migrants are driving increases in sexual assaults; some commentators and activists use those incidents to argue a direct link between immigration from specific regions and sexual violence ^{[9] [10]}. Other analysts warn that such episodes, while serious, are not sufficient evidence for a broad causal claim across Europe and that selective use of incidents can reflect political agendas ^{[3] [4]}.

5. Methodological limits: reporting, definitions, and comparability

Researchers repeatedly emphasise limits: sexual‑violence prevalence and conviction data depend on reporting rates, police recording practices, survey methods, and legal definitions that differ across time and countries; these differences make cross‑national comparisons unreliable and make it hard to isolate migration as an independent variable ^{[3] [2]}. Several studies also note that many migrant‑focused samples are not nationally representative and focus on vulnerable subgroups ^{[2] [7]}.

6. Bottom line and what the evidence supports

Available sources do not support the categorical statement “there is no correlation between Arab immigrants and sexual assaults in Europe” nor do they prove a uniform, causal link that migration from Arab or Muslim‑majority countries causes higher sexual‑assault rates across Europe. Peer‑reviewed work documents heavy victimisation among migrants and higher incidence in some post‑arrival settings ^{[1] [2]}, while other analyses caution that apparent correlations can be driven by age, poverty, reporting differences and policy contexts rather than migration alone ^{[3] [4]}.

7. What to ask next — better data and clearer questions

To move beyond headlines, ask for: representative, adjusted studies that control for age, sex, socioeconomic status and housing; comparable time‑series on police recording and reporting rates; and research distinguishing victimisation among migrants from perpetration by migrants in the general population. Available sources do not mention a single definitive dataset that answers all these adjustments across Europe ^{[3] [4]}.

If you want, I can assemble a short reading list from the cited studies above (the Lancet cohort, MdM/Doctors of the World reports, Eurostat and method papers) and summarise which specific limitations each study lists.