What refugee resettlement and secondary migration patterns shaped Somali settlement in the United States?
Executive summary
Somali settlement in the United States grew mainly from refugee resettlement that accelerated after Somalia’s 1990s civil war and then expanded through secondary migration—chain moves from initial sites (often where voluntary agencies placed refugees) to cities and smaller communities with jobs, social services and existing kin networks [1] [2]. Minnesota emerged as the largest U.S. Somali hub —estimates put the Twin Cities population in the tens of thousands and state counts show tens of thousands of Somali refugees resettled there since the 1980s and 1990s [1] [2].
1. From camps to U.S. cities: the first wave and why it landed where it did
Major flows of Somalis to the United States began after the collapse of Somalia’s central government in 1991; many arrived as formal refugees after first living in neighboring countries such as Kenya and Ethiopia [2] [3]. Early placements were driven by the U.S. refugee resettlement system and voluntary agencies (VOLAGs) that matched arrivals to sponsoring organizations — those initial placements often determined long-term settlement patterns because they created the first clusters of jobs, housing and local supports [1] [2].
2. Chain migration and social capital: how Somali communities grew inland
Once initial clusters existed, Somali secondary migration followed patterns studied by migration scholars: newcomers used social networks, remittances and information flows to relocate to places with job opportunities, affordable housing or existing kin, a process researchers call chain migration or social-capital-driven secondary migration [4] [5]. Examples include movement into the Twin Cities and to smaller, sometimes surprising, destinations like Lewiston, Maine and parts of Utah and Ohio where social ties, employers or perceived quality of life attracted subsequent arrivals [1] [5] [6].
3. Minnesota as a hub: work, nonprofits and the hospitality factor
Minnesota’s large Somali population is the clearest outcome of placement plus secondary moves. State records and local histories note thousands of Somali refugees resettled there since the 1980s and 1990s; the Twin Cities’ networks of nonprofits, jobs (meatpacking, hospitality, taxi driving) and a reputation for “martisoor” (hospitality) drew refugees and subsequent secondary migrants [1] [2] [7]. Between 2010 and 2016 Minnesota recorded thousands of documented secondary arrivals from other U.S. states, reinforcing the Twin Cities’ role as a magnet [1].
4. Small towns and surprising destinations: why places like Lewiston and Salt Lake matter
Secondary migration is not merely an urban-to-urban story. Researchers find Somalis moved to smaller cities like Lewiston, Maine for social reasons—homeownership, perceived safety, or to join an emerging community—rather than strictly for wages; social capital and agency among refugees explain these counterintuitive moves [5] [4]. Utah’s Salt Lake Valley and other non-traditional destinations illustrate that local institutions, community actors and earlier migrants’ decisions create new settlement nodes [6].
5. Policy shocks reshape flows: admissions, suspensions and reviews
Federal policy changes have immediate effects on who arrives and where. The White House suspension of the U.S. Refugee Admissions Program in January 2025 and the carve-outs that allow case-by-case admissions changed the pipeline for new refugee placements [8]. Reporting also shows administration actions and reviews — including re-interviews of refugees admitted between 2021 and 2025 and caps on admissions — create uncertainty that can halt resettlement and affect secondary movement dynamics [9] [8].
6. Political backlash and its local consequences
Recent national political rhetoric and executive steps targeting Somalis—such as ending certain temporary protections or proposing greater local control over placements—have raised the stakes for Somali communities concentrated in states like Minnesota and prompted legal and civic pushback [10] [8] [11]. Sources show most Minnesotan Somalis hold citizenship or legal status, so mass removals would be limited; nevertheless federal moves alter the climate for future resettlement and secondary migration [12] [10].
7. Data gaps, contested counts and reporting differences
Available sources give varying population estimates and emphasize different facets of settlement—official state counts, journalistic estimates and advocacy numbers differ [1] [2] [13]. Estimates of total Somali-origin populations in the U.S. range widely in reporting; specific arrival counts and the drivers of particular secondary moves are well-documented in academic case studies but less so in up-to-the-minute federal reporting [4] [1]. Not found in current reporting: a single, authoritative national map that tracks individual secondary moves in real time.
8. Bottom line: placement plus people networks made the pattern
The pattern that shaped Somali settlement in the U.S. is straightforward: refugee resettlement agencies placed early arrivals into particular locales, and those initial clusters created social capital that propelled secondary migration—sometimes to big-city hubs like Minneapolis, sometimes to smaller towns that offered housing or community [1] [4] [5]. Federal policy and political pressure periodically interrupt or redirect those flows, but the underlying dynamic remains the chain-migration logic embedded in refugee social networks and employment opportunities [8] [4].