Sweden statistics for rape committed by immigrants

Checked on January 21, 2026
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Executive summary

A recent Swedish population-based study analyzing convictions for rape and related offences between 2000–2020 finds a pronounced overrepresentation of people with an immigrant background among those convicted: the研究 examined 4,032 convicted individuals matched to 20,160 controls and reports that a majority of convicted offenders had immigrant backgrounds, with nearly half born outside Sweden (study details and main findings) [1] [2]. Those associations shrink but do not disappear after adjustment for socioeconomic status, substance use, psychiatric disorders and prior criminality — and researchers explicitly call for further work to explain the mechanisms behind the overrepresentation [1] [3] [4].

1. What the numbers actually are: convictions, sample size and headline proportions

The core empirical source is a 21‑year, register‑based case‑control study that matched 4,032 individuals convicted of rape or attempted/aggravated rape against 20,160 population controls and coded immigrant status in several ways (Swedish born with one or two foreign‑born parents, and born abroad) [1]. Earlier academic analyses and reporting from Swedish universities and media reinforce the same pattern: around 59.2% of convicted rape offenders in some samples had an immigrant background and roughly 47.7% were born outside Sweden in the periods analyzed [2] [5]. Swedish university press summaries and media coverage have summarized the new study’s message as “nearly two‑thirds” or “63%” of convicted rapists having an immigrant background in the datasets discussed [6] [7].

2. What adjustments change — and what remains

Crucially, the researchers did not present raw counts as causal facts; they statistically adjusted for multiple confounders including socioeconomic status, substance use disorders, psychiatric diagnoses and prior criminal behaviour, and report that the elevated odds associated with immigrant background decrease after adjustment but remain statistically significant — particularly for people born abroad who arrived in Sweden at age 15 or older [1] [3] [4]. The authors therefore frame the immigrant–conviction association as robust to common confounders but not explained fully by them, highlighting the need to investigate acculturation, integration and other unmeasured mechanisms [1] [4].

3. Measurement, legal and reporting context that complicates simple conclusions

Sweden’s rape statistics have long been hard to compare internationally because of definitional changes, expanded offence categories, and distinct recording practices; critics have argued that part of Sweden’s high per‑capita figures reflects legal and recording differences rather than purely higher incidence [5]. Academic surveys of migrants and young people show that prevalence, victimization patterns and reporting vary by study design, population sampled (schools versus clinics versus refugee settings), and definitions of sexual violence — factors that affect both who appears in police and court data and how results should be read [8] [9].

4. Limits of the available reporting and unanswered questions

The available studies concern convictions, not all offences reported or all incidents, and conviction data reflect multiple filters: police reporting, investigation, prosecution decisions, court outcomes and sentencing — each subject to legal change, resource constraints and social bias; the primary articles and summaries acknowledge that mechanisms behind overrepresentation “need further exploration” rather than claiming a fully explained causal chain [1] [4]. Cross‑national comparisons and simple political narratives therefore risk conflating distinct phenomena — differential offending, differential reporting, differential policing and legal change — and the existing literature included in this review does not settle those causal questions [5] [8].

5. How the findings have entered politics and public debate

Media and institutional outlets have highlighted the numbers and sparked public debate: national TV and international outlets have reported that a majority of convicted rapists in certain samples were born abroad, and politicians have used those figures to press for deportation policy or changes to integration strategy [10] [6]. Academics and the study authors, by contrast, emphasize nuance: robust statistical associations in conviction registers that require multidisciplinary follow‑up (sociological, criminological, legal and public‑health inquiry) before policy conclusions about causes or remedies can be confidently drawn [1] [4].

Want to dive deeper?
How do Sweden’s legal and recording definitions of rape differ from other European countries and how has that changed over time?
What peer‑reviewed research explains mechanisms (integration, age at arrival, socioeconomic factors) linking immigrant background and sexual offence convictions in Sweden?
How do reporting, policing and prosecution rates for sexual offences vary by demographic group in Sweden and what research exists on potential biases?