Keep Factually independent
Whether you agree or disagree with our analysis, these conversations matter for democracy. We don't take money from political groups - even a $5 donation helps us keep it that way.
Fact check: What are the main ethnic groups that make up the non-white population in the UK?
Executive Summary
The main non-white populations in England and Wales are Asian (including Indian, Pakistani, Bangladeshi, Chinese and other Asian groups), Black (including African and Caribbean heritage), and Other ethnic groups, with the 2021 Census reporting 9.3% Asian, 4.2% Black, and 2.1% Other of the population—figures that underpin official classification and regional analysis [1] [2]. Greater London concentrates much of this diversity and shows the greatest variation in local ethnic mixes, highlighting why national percentages mask strong regional differences [3].
1. Why these numbers matter: Census totals tell the headline story
The 2021 Census figures provide the authoritative snapshot for England and Wales: Asian groups constitute about 9.3%, Black groups about 4.2%, and Other ethnic groups about 2.1% of the population, forming the bulk of what is commonly described as the non-white population [1]. The Office for National Statistics (ONS) classification underpins these totals by separating populations into White, Mixed, Asian, Black, and Other categories, and then subdividing them (for example Indian, Pakistani, Bangladeshi, Chinese within Asian), which allows policymakers and researchers to drill into specific communities rather than relying on a single aggregated “non-white” label [2]. This structured categorisation is crucial for public services, resource allocation, and understanding demographic trends across the country [2].
2. How detailed categories change the picture: nuance beneath the headline
The ONS detailed categories make clear that the Asian label contains multiple distinct national and cultural groups—notably Indian, Pakistani, Bangladeshi and Chinese—and that the Black category includes Black African and Black Caribbean identities, each with distinct migration histories, socioeconomic profiles and geographic concentrations [4] [2]. Using these subcategories exposes differences in health outcomes, education, employment, and deprivation that a single “non-white” umbrella conceals. The availability of granular census categories thus shifts policy conversations from broad ethnic aggregations to targeted interventions for specific communities, and explains why researchers and local authorities often rely on the detailed ONS classifications rather than aggregate percentages [4].
3. Where people live changes everything: London’s diversity as a case study
London exemplifies how national averages can obscure local realities: the 2021 Census identified 287 ethnic groups and nationalities in the capital, with boroughs showing extremes from majority non-white populations to predominantly white areas, making London the UK’s most ethnically diverse region [3]. This concentration alters service demand, political representation, and economic patterns within the city, and demonstrates that regional and local geographies are essential context when interpreting national ethnic composition figures. Planners and analysts therefore combine national ONS totals with local census deep dives to craft responses attuned to neighborhood-level diversity [3].
4. Limits of other data products: what Nomis and population estimates do and don’t show
Other official outputs, such as Nomis and mid-year population estimates, perform complementary roles but do not replace the 2021 Census for ethnic breakdowns. Nomis focuses on labour market and social statistics and does not provide a standalone breakdown of the main non-white ethnic groups comparable to census categories, while mid-year resident population estimates provide overall counts without the same ethnic granularity [5] [6]. Analysts therefore rely on the census as the primary source for ethnic composition, using Nomis and population estimates for labour-market context and trend analysis but not as substitutes for the detailed ethnic classification that the ONS census provides [5] [6].
5. Multiple viewpoints and potential agendas: interpretation matters
Different stakeholders use these data for varied ends: policymakers cite census percentages to argue for funding or representation, researchers emphasize subcategory detail to examine inequalities, and local authorities highlight regional diversity to justify place-based services [1] [2] [3]. These usages reflect legitimate priorities but can also create selective emphasis: presenting only national aggregates masks local need, while focusing solely on subgroups can fragment public conversation. Recognising the strengths and limits of each ONS product helps guard against misleading conclusions and ensures discourse about the UK’s non-white population remains evidence-led and context-sensitive [2] [3].