Which US state has the lowest LGBT+ population percentage?

1. How older national surveys put Great Plains states at rock bottom — and why that matters

Gallup’s multi-year survey reported in 2012 found North Dakota with the smallest share of adults who identify as LGBT (1.7%), a striking outlier compared with Washington, D.C., and several coastal states that registered much higher shares. That finding matters because Gallup used a large national probability sample and a consistent questionnaire over time, making it a commonly cited benchmark for early estimates of sexual orientation and gender identity in the U.S. However, the Gallup figure is a snapshot from a period when social willingness to report LGBT identity was lower in many rural and conservative states, and the number reflects both genuine demographic differences and period effects tied to social acceptability and survey nonresponse patterns ^[2].

2. More recent media and survey summaries move the needle — Mississippi and West Virginia rise as lowest

Subsequent reporting and state-level estimations in 2024–2025 show Mississippi and West Virginia tied near the bottom around 4.1%, cited by outlets aggregating state microdata and more recent survey cycles. Those estimates come from different sampling frames or from reweighted public-opinion datasets and reflect rising national rates of self-identification as LGBT over the 2010s and early 2020s. The shift upward in those states is consistent with a broader national trend: more adults, including in conservative regions, report LGBT identities over time, which reduces the gap between states compared with earlier surveys ^{[3] [4]}.

3. Older administrative and project-based compilations point to Dakota states as lowest — methodological caveats

Non-media compilations and some academic or advocacy maps using 2015–16 inputs have listed South Dakota and North Dakota among the smallest shares (around 2–2.7%), producing a different “worst” list than later media summaries. These datasets often blend multiple survey waves, use small-area estimation, or incorporate administrative proxies; they provide useful historical comparisons but carry important caveats. Small samples in low-population states make percentage estimates volatile, and modeling choices (weighting, imputation) substantially affect which state appears lowest, so relying on a single compilation without considering uncertainty can be misleading ^{[5] [6]}.

4. Why the numbers diverge: reporting bias, methodology, and rising identification

All credible sources agree on a core dynamic: measurements of LGBT prevalence vary by year, question wording, sampling mode, and local willingness to disclose identity. Polls conducted via phone, in-person, or online produce different disclosure rates; small states produce larger margins of error; and social acceptance has increased nationally since the early 2010s, prompting higher self-reporting. These systematic factors explain why Gallup’s 2012 low for North Dakota and later 2024–25 low estimates for Mississippi/West Virginia can both be “correct” within their methodological contexts — they represent different timepoints and survey choices rather than a single immutable ranking ^{[2] [3] [5]}.

5. Bottom line for readers and researchers seeking a definitive answer

If you need a single citation for the “lowest” state, specify the dataset and year: Gallup 2012 identifies North Dakota (1.7%) as lowest; some 2015–16 compilations list South Dakota or North Dakota near 2–2.7%; recent 2024–25 media summaries identify Mississippi and West Virginia near 4.1%. For policy, research, or reporting, use the most recent dataset available and present uncertainty and methodological notes alongside any ranking. Claims that one state definitively has the lowest LGBT+ share ignore measurement change over time and modelling differences, so always anchor the statement with the precise source and date ^{[2] [6] [3] [4]}.