Which groups or activists organized the 2025 Target boycott and why?

1. Who called for the boycotts — the faith leaders and Black clergy

Prominent Black clergy led much of the early movement: Atlanta pastor Jamal Bryant launched a 40‑day “Target Fast” timed to Lent and coordinated protests at hundreds of churches, framing the action around Target’s reversal of DEI commitments and unmet pledges to Black communities ^{[4] [1] [5]}. Reporting shows Rev. Bryant’s activism spurred town halls and national protests and was often described as the initial catalyst for sustained consumer pressure ^{[1] [5]}.

2. The People’s Union USA — the grassroots organizer pushing repeated “economic blackouts”

The People’s Union USA, led publicly by John Schwarz, organized repeated economic blackouts and targeted-day boycotts of Target (and other firms) throughout 2025, promoting coordinated spending freezes and month‑long actions. Coverage identifies the group as organizing the June 3 boycott and being behind multiple planned boycotts since February ^{[2] [6] [7]}.

3. Civil‑rights groups and community organizers who broadened reach

Beyond clergy and The People’s Union USA, national civil‑rights organizations and Black‑led civic groups were reported as joining or supporting the boycott movement. Outlets cite involvement or support from groups such as Black Voters Matter, Blackout the System, the U.S. Black Chamber of Commerce (as a partner for redirecting spending), and National Action Network figures like Rev. Al Sharpton, which helped nationalize the campaign ^{[3] [1] [8]}.

4. Why they organized — DEI rollbacks, unfulfilled investment promises, and worker/justice concerns

Across outlets the core rationale is consistent: Target announced it would modify or conclude some DEI programs and had not fully delivered on a multi‑billion dollar commitment to spend with Black‑owned businesses; organizers framed this as a breach of trust warranting economic pressure. Some campaigns also tied Target’s decisions to broader corporate acquiescence to political pressure and to concerns about workers’ rights and corporate practices more broadly ^{[9] [1] [2]}.

5. Tactics and messaging — economic blackouts, fasting, and spend‑redirection

Tactics varied: Jamal Bryant promoted a Lenten 40‑day spending “fast” and organized church‑based protests; The People’s Union USA convened discrete “economic blackout” days and month‑long boycotts; other organizers urged shoppers to redirect purchases to Black‑owned and local businesses during boycott windows ^{[4] [2] [1]}.

6. Disagreement, amplification, and questions about online authenticity

While many outlets document organized, faith‑based and grassroots mobilization, some reporting raised questions about the online dynamics amplifying the boycott. A cybersecurity firm’s analysis found a notable share of social accounts promoting the boycott appeared inauthentic, suggesting coordinated or fake social amplification boosted visibility alongside genuine organizing ^[10]. Coverage therefore contains competing readings: sustained, on‑the‑ground organizing by clergy and groups ^{[4] [1]} versus digitally amplified backlash of mixed authenticity ^[10].

7. What organizers hoped to achieve and how companies responded

Organizers demanded reinstatement of DEI programs, fulfillment of spending commitments to Black‑owned businesses, and corporate accountability; they framed the boycott as converting consumer dollars into political leverage. Reporting shows Target acknowledged reputational damage and declining foot traffic in filings and press comments, and the boycott was cited by company executives among the factors affecting sales ^{[9] [8] [11]}.

8. Limitations in available reporting and unresolved questions

Available sources document the main named organizers and their stated aims but do not offer a single unified roster of every local group or full internal strategy documents; nor do they quantify precisely how much of Target’s financial decline is attributable solely to boycott activity versus tariffs or macroeconomic pressures ^{[11] [9]}. Questions remain about the relative impact of local church mobilization versus national grassroots campaigns and the role of inauthentic online actors in shaping public perception ^{[10] [11]}.

Summary judgment: reporting consistently identifies Jamal Bryant, The People’s Union USA/John Schwarz, and a coalition of Black civic and grassroots organizations as principal organizers of the 2025 Target boycotts, centering on Target’s rollback of DEI commitments and unmet investment promises; at the same time, coverage notes both broad grassroots engagement and signs of inauthentic online amplification that complicate assessing the campaign’s origins and reach ^{[4] [2] [10]}.