How did slave ownership rates vary among Deep South, Upper South, and Border States in 1860?

Checked on January 12, 2026
Disclaimer: Factually can make mistakes. Please verify important information or breaking news. Learn more.

Executive summary

The geography of slavery in 1860 was uneven: the Deep/Lower South concentrated the largest share of enslaved people and the highest household ownership rates, the Upper/Middle South held sizeable but lower concentrations and exported many enslaved people southward, and the Border States had markedly lower household slaveholding rates though still thousands of enslaved people [1] [2] [3]. Reconciling different metrics—percent of total population enslaved, percent of white families owning slaves, and regional definitions—is essential to understand these contrasts [4] [5].

1. How many enslaved people lived where: raw totals and regional shares

In the 1860 census the nation counted roughly 3.95 million enslaved people, and the Deep/Lower South contained the plurality and majority of those enslaved: sources report roughly 2.3 million in the Lower South (about 47 percent of that region’s population) and about 1.2 million in the Upper South (around 29 percent of that region’s population), with the Border States holding roughly 432,586 enslaved people (about 13 percent of the Border States’ population) — figures drawn from compilations of the 1860 census data [6] [1] [7]. Cartographic work based on the 1860 returns likewise shows the highest county-level percentages of enslaved populations concentrated in the Deep South [8] [9].

2. Household slaveholding rates: Deep South far higher than Border States

When the question is not how many enslaved people lived in each region but what share of white families owned slaves, regional gaps sharpen: in the Lower/Deep South an average roughly in the mid-30s percent of white families owned slaves (studies cite about 36.7 percent for the Lower South and county-by-county peaks such as Mississippi at about 49 percent and South Carolina at about 46 percent), while the Middle/Upper South shows lower family ownership rates (around 25.3 percent in some counts) and the Border States far lower rates (examples include Delaware at about 3 percent and Maryland about 12 percent in state-by-state tabulations) [3] [5] [2].

3. Different measures, different stories: why “only a small percent owned slaves” can mislead

Claims that “only a tiny fraction of Americans owned slaves” rely on national denominators that dilute the southern reality; a more meaningful measure restricts attention to slaveholding states and to households rather than individuals, which raises the regional percentages substantially [5]. Even so, historians emphasize that most white Southerners did not own slaves: less than one-quarter of white Southerners held slaves overall, with half of slaveholders owning fewer than five enslaved people and fewer than 1 percent owning more than a hundred—so concentration of ownership and regional concentration of the enslaved population both shaped political and economic power [4].

4. Upper South as supplier: migration and market dynamics

The Upper or Middle South played a distinctive role: it contained a substantial enslaved population but was also a major source of forced migration of enslaved people to the Deep South cotton frontier in the antebellum decades, with historians estimating hundreds of thousands moved southward between 1820 and 1860; that internal trade and migration help explain why the Deep South’s enslaved population and slaveholding rates were so high by 1860 [9] [2] [4].

5. Caveats, definitions and the limits of the sources

Numbers and percentages depend on how regions are defined (Lower/Deep South, Middle/Upper South, Border States differ between authors) and whether the metric is percent of total population enslaved, percent of white families owning slaves, or raw counts of enslaved people; some popular claims conflate these measures and thus mislead, and contemporary tabulations rely on the 1860 census which produced summary and cartographic outputs but required careful aggregation [1] [6] [3]. Where sources disagree or simplify, reporting limitations are explicit; available sources allow confident regional comparisons but require attention to the precise statistic being cited [5] [10].

Want to dive deeper?
How did county-level percentages of enslaved populations vary across the Deep South in 1860?
What economic returns did slaveholding provide to large planters versus small slaveholders in the Upper South?
How did the domestic slave trade between Upper and Lower South operate and affect family separations from 1820–1860?