How does SCAAP collect data and what are its reporting limitations?

Checked on February 2, 2026
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Executive summary

The State Criminal Alien Assistance Program (SCAAP) collects inmate-level and facility-level submissions from state and local jurisdictions via an online Grants Management System (GMS), requiring records for incarcerated noncitizens who meet narrow eligibility criteria; those uploads are validated by the Bureau of Justice Assistance (BJA) and transmitted to DHS for final determination [1] [2]. The dataset is designed as a reimbursement mechanism for correctional salary costs, not as a comprehensive or statistically clean measure of immigrant criminality, and it carries structural, definitional, and processing limitations that make misuse or overinterpretation of its numbers likely [3] [4] [5].

1. How SCAAP collects data: application-driven, file-upload system

SCAAP relies on jurisdictions to prepare and submit detailed inmate files and facility data through an online GMS upload that produces a "File Upload Status Report" showing completeness and format errors; the process is administratively intensive and time-limited by strict deadlines [1] [2]. Applicants must assign a unique inmate identification number across records, can report aliases as separate name entries tied to that ID, and must include salary and per-diem cost information that the system uses to calculate prorated awards [2] [1].

2. Who gets counted and what rules govern eligibility

Only noncitizens who meet statutory thresholds—at least one felony or two misdemeanor convictions under state/local law and at least four consecutive days incarcerated during the reporting period—are eligible for SCAAP reporting and reimbursement; pre-trial and post-conviction time served can be included once those criteria are met [6] [3]. The program is explicitly confined to reimbursement for certain correctional officer salary costs and related correctional purposes, not full incarceration costs or civil immigration custody [6] [4].

3. Validation, transmission, and award calculation: a multi-agency chain

After upload, BJA validates and analyzes the submitted data, may require documentation to verify per-diem or salary claims, and then transmits validated files to DHS as part of the award determination; awards are prorated based on appropriation, submitted costs, and inmate counts [1] [6]. The administrative burden is nontrivial—OMB paperwork estimates and Federal Register notices cite response time and job-aid guidance—so data quality depends substantially on jurisdictions’ capacity to prepare compliant files [7] [8].

4. Reporting limitations built into the design

SCAAP is a claims-based reimbursement program, not a population survey; as the Congressional Research Service notes, it measures a mix of stock and flow of eligible incarcerated noncitizens over a year and therefore is ill-suited as a denominator-based incarceration rate source [9] [5]. Jurisdictions report only those inmates who satisfy SCAAP criteria and choose to apply—local-level coverage varies and some local numbers are not collected by BJS—so national or temporal comparisons can be incomplete or inconsistent [5].

5. Common sources of error and avenues for misuse

Operational choices create predictable errors: separate name entries for aliases tied to one ID can create complexities; separate agencies within a state could potentially submit overlapping claims in rare cases leading to double-counting; and per-diem calculations hinge on jurisdictions’ reported salary totals, which BJA may cap or audit [2] [1] [10]. Analysts and advocacy groups diverge sharply: FAIR treats SCAAP counts as evidence of higher offending among undocumented immigrants [10], while critics like Cato argue that SCAAP’s design and lack of a reliable denominator render such inferences unsound [5].

6. What SCAAP cannot tell reporters or policymakers

SCAAP cannot reliably produce a national incarceration rate for undocumented immigrants because it lacks a consistent denominator, excludes many local data in some datasets, and was never intended as a prevalence survey; CRS and methodological critiques warn against extrapolating from reimbursement counts to population-level criminality [9] [5]. The program also excludes civil immigration detainees and does not cover all incarceration costs, restricting analytical scope to reimbursable salary-related expenses [6] [11].

Conclusion: useful ledger, not definitive proof

SCAAP is best understood as an administrative ledger to allocate limited federal reimbursements for a narrowly defined class of incarcerated noncitizens; its structured uploads, validation checks, and statutory eligibility rules produce a usable but partial dataset that requires careful contextualization—and skepticism—when used for broader crime-rate claims, as shown by both program guidance and outside critiques [1] [3] [5].

Want to dive deeper?
How have researchers adjusted SCAAP data to estimate immigrant incarceration rates and what methodological challenges remain?
What portion of local jail and state prison data are missing from public SCAAP archives, and how does that affect national totals?
How do BJA and DHS audit or reconcile overlapping SCAAP claims to prevent double-counting?