Hungary getting fined for not taking in immigrants

Checked on February 2, 2026
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Executive summary

The European Court of Justice has ordered Hungary to pay a lump sum fine of €200 million and face an additional penalty of €1 million for every day it fails to bring its asylum procedures into line with EU law after repeatedly blocking access to asylum applications at its borders and using transit procedures deemed unlawful [1] [2]. Budapest has rejected the ruling, missed payment deadlines, and faces the Commission's offsetting of EU budget payments while the government pursues legal and political challenges [3] [4].

1. What the court ruled and why it matters

In June 2024 the ECJ found that Hungary had “deliberately” evaded EU asylum rules—forcing asylum seekers to travel to Belgrade or Kyiv to apply, detaining applicants in transit zones and otherwise restricting access to international protection—and described the behaviour as an “unprecedented and exceptionally serious infringement of EU law,” prompting the €200m lump sum and the €1m-per-day sanction for non‑compliance [1] [5] [2].

2. How the fines work in practice: money, offsets and enforcement tools

The ECJ’s penalty structure pairs a one‑off punitive sum with a daily fine designed to coerce compliance; if Hungary refuses to pay, the European Commission can use an “offsetting procedure” to deduct the amount from future EU budget disbursements to Hungary—an approach already signalled by EU officials and used in other rule‑of‑law disputes [6] [3] [4].

3. Budapest’s response: legal appeals, political framing and refusal

Prime Minister Viktor Orbán denounced the ruling as “outrageous and unacceptable” and framed it as Brussels prioritising migrants over citizens, while the government has publicly refused to change its migration stance, missed payment deadlines and pursued lawsuits and complaints against the ECJ’s procedural handling and the scale of penalties [1] [6] [7] [8].

4. The domestic and international politics behind the dispute

The case sits at the intersection of Hungary’s long‑running anti‑immigration policy—fences, transit zones and embassy‑first procedures created after the 2015 flows—and EU efforts to enforce shared asylum standards and solidarity between member states; Brussels frames fines as defence of EU law and migrants’ rights, while Budapest casts the measures as an attack on sovereignty and national border control [2] [5] [9].

5. Costs, incentives and possible outcomes

Analysts and reporting show the fines can rapidly grow into hundreds of millions if non‑compliance continues and the daily penalty remains in force, prompting EU institutions to begin recouping funds and Hungary to assess political trade‑offs—between paying or letting EU budget deductions bite and standing firm to satisfy domestic voters who reward strict migration policy [10] [4] [3].

6. Competing narratives and implicit agendas

Official EU coverage stresses rule‑of‑law, human‑rights obligations and the integrity of common asylum procedures [5] [9], while Hungarian government outlets and allied commentators emphasise national security, sovereignty and electoral politics, portraying fines as a punitive tool used by Brussels against a dissident member—an angle that can rally domestic support but downplays legal detail and the risk to Hungary’s EU funding [11] [12] [7].

7. What reporting does and does not establish

Contemporary reporting documents the ECJ judgment, the amount of the lump sum and daily penalties, Hungary’s public refusals and the Commission’s offsetting mechanism; sources confirm missed deadlines, legal countermeasures by Budapest and political statements by Orbán, but none of the provided reporting proves private bargainings, exact future fiscal impacts beyond deductions, or the final legal outcome of Hungary’s later lawsuits—those remain subject to further court action and political negotiation [3] [8] [4].

Want to dive deeper?
What legal mechanisms can the European Commission use to deduct ECJ‑imposed fines from a member state's EU budget payments?
How have past ECJ fines and offsetting procedures affected other EU members' budgets and compliance (e.g., Poland)?
What are the specific 2020 changes Hungary made to asylum procedures that led to the original ECJ finding?